Way forward is a huge, hysterical step back: ThePost.ie


TCH Archives > Sunday Business Post > 2003/06/15 > Way forward is a huge, hysterical step back

Way forward is a huge, hysterical step back
Sunday, June 15, 2003
The National Way Forward!
By Justin Barrett
Guild Press
Reviewed by Martin MackinAt the time of the last Nic e referendum those of us on the `Yes' side asked Justin Barrett to make available copies of his book, The National Way Forward!

Our logic was simple. It was known that Barrett had set out his own political philosophy in this publication, his little green book if you will.

Our policy documents were in the public domain, so why not his? As the leading light in the `No' campaign the electorate had a right to know what Barrett's policy platform was. What could be more reasonable than that?

But copies of the book in question proved remarkably difficult to find. In fact you would have had a better chance picking up a first edition Gutenberg Bible in your local second-hand bookshop than finding a copy of Barrett's writings. It was almost as if Barrett did not want members of the public or his political opponents to read what he himself had written. Fancy that.

Until now that is. For whatever reason, Barrett has placed the book back in circulation. And what an eyeopening and appalling read it is. Small wonder that Barrett was less than anxious to have this book made widely available at referendum time.

The hysterical tone of the book is set in the foreword, written by someone called John Grace.

"Wherever we look,we see mere decay and decadence. Where there ought to be the Heroes and Patriots, we find Cowards and Traitors." Intriguingly Grace goes on to write, "Where there ought to be Men, we find women of both sexes." Disappointingly, he does not expand on the latter statement.

Few wings of the establishment escape Barrett's mighty wrath. From the European Union, to the political parties and the running dogs of the Fourth Estate - all seem to form part of what Barrett describes in his own subtle way as "a liberal-minded Estab

lishment pushing on a people as much of their noxious agenda as they might at any time be prepared to stomach".

Barrett first came to public prominence through his involvement with militant prolifers Youth Defence, following a brief dalliance with Fine Gael. I have my own personal experience with Youth Defence - I ended up tussling with some of its members on the stagefloor of the Fianna Fail Ard Fheis some years back during that organisation's attempt to disrupt proceedings.

Barrett, of course, sees these antics as part of a guerrilla warfare against a corrupt establishment - and not simply as acting the maggot.

Taking abortion as his starting point, Barrett then sets off to resolve some of the knottier challenges facing Ireland and the world. During the first Nice campaign, advocates of a `Yes' vote were caught napping by a disciplined and shrill `No' campaign led by Barrett. He was less successful with the second referendum, of which more later.

Barrett views the European Union as a sort of socialist superstate. Only one thing will save Ireland from its pernicious influence - withdrawal. Yes that's right, Ireland should unilaterally withdraw from the European Union altogether.

Interestingly, I do not recall Barrett making this a central plank of his Nice campaigns. However, now at least we know where he stands in the context of future referendums.

Nice `Two' was also notable for how Barrett made immigration an issue early on in the campaign. Here he devotes an entire chapter to his thoughts on the matter entitled A Country of Our Own.

Barrett's words speak for themselves. "As a nation of some three to four million, it is not, nor can it ever be, an

economic question as to whether we can bear the influx of refugees and others.

"It is a biological one, which is that we simply do not have the numbers of our own people to make room for others, without altering beyond recognition the whole nature of the country - not merely ethnically, but culturally, socially, politically, religiously and otherwise. The very principle of introducing foreigners in large numbers is the idea of altering the nation irreversibly."

Barrett regrets that political organisations that oppose immigration and support repatriation are labelled as `fascist'. Readers will recall, during the second Nice campaign, it was revealed that Barrett had attended farright rallies in Germany and Italy.

Barrett cited his inadequacy with the German and Italian languages as excuses for not knowing exactly what was going on at these events.

There are other gems. Fianna Fail, apparently, is manipulated by leftists - something that escaped me in my time with the party. Repartition is proposed as a solution to the `national question'.

Not for Barrett the complexities of the Good Friday Agreement.

A presidential form of government should be introduced. Never mind parliamentarianism. The social gospel is no better than communism. I could go on.

I would hate to give the impression that this screed, even inadvertently, is an enjoyable read. It is not. Its dense turgid prose is only enlivened, like an erupting boil, by occasional rants against his many foes. These lurid flourishes are all too rare.

If there is an underlying emotion running through this book it is one of fear. Fear of the outside world. Fear of diversity. Fear of change. I don't believe the Irish people share this fear. Maybe I am wrong. But let's put it to the test.

I suggest to Mr Barrett that he put his disgust of the political system aside and that, next summer, he seeks a seat in the local elections.Then he will see how many takers there are for his philosophy. The politicians he derides have a mandate from the people. Now let him secure one of his own. I'll not hold my breath.

Martin Mackin was general secretary of Fianna Fail for five years